Economic Philosophy

Warner Music Group Corp. has agreed to buy a minority stake in Saudi billionaire Prince al-Waleed bin Talal’s Rotana Music, in a deal that would expand Warner’s presence in the Arab world while extending the global reach of Rotana’s roster of artists. The Wall Street Journal had previously reported that the companies were nearing a deal that would have valued Rotana at close to $200 million. As part of the deal, ADA Worldwide, Warner’s label services division, has agreed to distribute Rotana releases outside of the Middle East and North Africa region. The deal pairs up one of the music industry’s biggest players in the West, with a leading company in the Mideast when sales of recorded music are surging.

This principle holds generally that decision-making authority should be held as close to the constituents affected by the decision as possible while higher levels of authority should hold a subsidiarity role; delegation of authority essentially moves from the lower level upwards when a case can be made that the issue to be decided upon is of a common character, affecting more than one of the members, or could not be dealt with adequately at the lower level. Without detailing a history of contentions over these sizeable transfers, such as interference into powers that are technically within the scope or jurisdiction of provinces, in terms of the principle of subsidiarity it could be argued that while the bulk of spending and revenue raising takes place at these lower levels, this overlap and transfer also provides citizens with benefits to being members of a federal state and a large common market. Thus, while Canada can be characterised as having a highly decentralised federation in terms of the share of public spending at the federal level, there is not only considerable room for lower level raising of revenue to act in areas under their jurisdiction, but also general overlap and cost sharing between the two levels to ensure that there is adequacy in terms of local provision of core public goods and services. The country could have been configured, despite the division of powers in 1867, in favour of a strong centralised government that raised the bulk of taxes and found ways to impose its decisions through national majority rule on the provinces and lower levels of government.

Before the arrival of the British in the region, Balochistan (formerly the state of Kalat) was under the rule of Khan of Kalat and divided into four provinces – Kalat, Lasbela, Makran and Kharan (Devasher 2019, 11). Similarly, the Saindak project, operated by the Chinese, provides only two per cent of the total profit for the Baloch while it expropriates eighty per cent and gives eighteen per cent to Pakistani federal government (Devasher 2019, 132). Another report from the Federation of Pakistan Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FPCCI) finally culminated the fears of all Baloch as it argued that “at the current rate of influx of Chinese nationals into Balochistan and after completion of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), the native population of the area will be outnumbered by 2048” (Financial Express 2016). Conflict in Balochistan: report of HRCP fact, finding missions December 2005-January 2006 / Human Rights Commission of Pakistan  Human Rights Commissions of Pakistan ; Centre for Democratic Development Lahore :

The fact that for the UK at the moment, China does not figure as a significant investment and trading partner, accounting for only 4.4 per cent of British exports and 6.8 per cent of imports in 2019 (UK Parliament, 2020) and not figuring in the 2018 list of top Foreign Direct Investors into the UK The response of the Chinese government was equally categorical: `The statement by UK Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab … contains irresponsible remarks on the national security legislation for the Hong Kong SAR and constitutes a flagrant interference in Hong Kong affairs, which are China’s internal affairs. It even came through in the Brexit campaign as a thing that the UK could finally do, allowing London to become a financial centre for Chinese companies, and getting Chinese investment into infrastructure like the high-speed rail link planned from London to the north of Britain, in ways which had not been so easy while Britain was part of the Union. `Embassy Spokesperson’s Remarks on the Statement by UK Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab on the Situation in Hong Kong and the UK’s Response to It

In an election with the lowest reported turn out ever recorded (despite the highest number of registered voters), the Electoral Commission announced that Museveni came away with 58% of the vote, while Kyagualnyi got 34%. While on the surface the elections seem to have been some of the most peaceful Uganda has ever seen, arrests, violence, kidnappings, and other irregularities continue to be reported as communications are restored. It is likely that the legal avenues will be met with the usual dismissal by the courts which have in the past acknowledged irregularities but held up the election results noting that the outcome would have been the same even if the irregularities did not happen. Considering the large number of parliamentary seats NUP won in these elections despite only being 6 months old, and Kyagulanyi’s international popularity, he arguably presents a greater danger to the regime than long time former opposition leader Kizza Besigye, who has been arrested countless times.

The revolution not being one in “nature” or “essence”, what is revolutionised is the relation established by the subject with the object of war: the object historically mutates, but the revolution concerns the subject and her cognitive relation with the object. Engberg-Pedersen’s lack of attention to the nuances of gnoseology vis-à-vis ontology, in fact, arguably stems from that which Lisle denounces as the “powerful subject-object distinction” (p. 21): as long as the cognitive subject is read as disentangled from the object, contingency can be considered as merely revolutionising the ontology of war. Global tourist sensibilities and the cognitive re-materialisation of the subject Tourist sensibilities, by unveiling the embeddedness of the subject in war, and the revolutionary impact of this embeddedness on the cognition of war, perform as subjective tools to expound the instantiation of a cognitive revolution vis-à-vis an ontological change. To spell out the gnoseological nature of the shift, in fact, a theoretical device is needed for the cognitive subject to acknowledge her own contingency and the contingency of her relationship with war – thus relocating the revolution from the “substance” of the object to the subject-object relation.

Scholars working on identity and foreign policy may find this book a valuable account of how interactions shape actors’ identities as much as identities influence foreign policy. Not surprisingly for a book entitled Erdoğan’s Empire, the focus of this work is on Erdoğan, and it is true that he has the final say in Turkey’s foreign policy. For example, Erdoğan’s Empire did not address the role of the Nationalist Action Party (MHP), the AK Party’s junior coalition partner since 2018, whose ultranationalist influence on Turkey’s foreign policy has occasioned a lively debate (including contributions from Çağaptay himself). Students of identity, national role conceptions (NRC), and IR will find its discussion of the impact of identities on international relations particularly useful, given its colourful descriptions of how conceptions of Islamic identity and Ottoman heritage have been interwoven into Erdoğan’s foreign policy vision.

The presence of migrant women in the labor force is also greater than that of non-migrant women in all countries except those of low-income (Migration Data Portal, 2020). To further examine the gender-specific experiences of migrant women and how these experiences are reflected in the global labor force, this paper will seek to answer the following question: What driving factors produce the decision to migrate among female labor migrants? Indigent or underserved women are more likely to migrate in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, higher education and employment rates in Mexico lead more women to migrate, and high employment and dissatisfaction in job positions indicate the intent to migrate among Moroccan women (Fleury, 2016). Literature from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) notes that the rise in international mobility of highly-skilled migrant women is disproportionate to the general migrant population when considering that women face unequal access to secondary education compared to men (Dumont, Martin, & Spielvogel, 2007).

The statement explains how Trinidad and Tobago-Venezuela issues and challenges are extended beyond the influx of the irregular economic migrants seeking jobs in the small state Island: it is directed to the ongoing polarization of regional and international politics regarding the Nicolás Maduro regime. In December 2020, Trinidad and Tobago suspended its participation in voting in the OAS after Juan Guaidó’s representative in the OAS, not recognized by the Trinidad and Tobago government, wrongly held the Caribbean island responsible for the drowning of the Venezuelans. Trinidad and Tobago’s nominal GDP in 2020 is US$ 22.7 billion, Columbia’s GDP is US$ 265 billion (11.7 times Trinidad and Tobago), Peru’s GDP is US$ 196 billion (8.7 times Trinidad and Tobago) and Brazil’s GDP is US$ 1,364 billion (60 times Trinidad and Tobago). Despite some early normative positions taken by some individuals in welcoming Venezuelans, there are now noticeable waves of negative comments on social media by members of the public towards them especially when Venezuelans living in the twin-island criticize the government’s policy on deporting migrants.

The Iraq War is the only war in human memory, against which a group of people in every capital on this planet stood up and said, ‘This war should not be fought. European double-speak around the war also said a lot about European self-doubts around US unilateralism, which also caused many to rethink whatever expectations they had about the emergent role of Europe in the post-Cold War era. He knew that the idea, that the way federalism had been treated by Europeans, who didn’t want Lumumba in power, was profoundly disturbing, not only according to European constitutional traditions, but also his own, because he came from the region of Guinea where you have a local balance of power and a federal tradition. In short, the postcolonial state in the former French colonial provinces of Africa is nothing more than a bad imitation of the state created by Louis XIV for France.